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Tim Siggia ![]()
Perhaps the most notable accomplishment of the liberal
"mainstream" media, at least in their view, has been the
demonization of
George W. Bush. Within a period of eight years -- I say
eight because their efforts began long before Bush was actually
elected -- the liberal media have succeeded in making
George W. Bush
the most despised president since
Richard M. Nixon,
who, ironically enough, was also elected to two terms, though he
didn't finish the second. Conservatives, too, have had their
own misgivings with Bush, what with the expansion of government
and the flagrant federal spending that has happened on his
watch. Granted, Bush has had some laudable ambitions that sadly
never came to pass, such as permanent tax cuts and Social
Security reform. But he has one lasting legacy that will
hopefully live far beyond his presidency: He changed the makeup
of the Supreme
Court.
Before Bush, the nation's highest court had been one of a
decidedly liberal bent, despite the eight years of Ronald
Reagan's presidency. In fact, Reagan himself was in part
responsible for this since it was he who nominated
Sandra Day
O'Connor, whose opinions more often than not made for
liberal rulings. When conservative
chief justice
William Rehnquist died, Bush nominated
John Roberts
to the high court, who was later confirmed as chief justice.
The composition of the court was at this point yet unchanged,
what with one conservative chief justice having been replaced by
another. What made the difference, though, was the unexpected
retirement of Justice O'Connor, making for a second vacancy on
the Supreme Court.
And this is where Bush nearly blew it.
His initial nomination to replace O'Connor was that of
Harriet Miers,
who was largely unknown and of dubious credential.
Conservatives protested the Miers nomination vociferously, and
Bush, realizing that he was in danger of alienating his own
base, withdrew his nomination. In place of Miers, he nominated
Samuel Alito,
a judge with a proven conservative track record. After lengthy
debates, Alito was finally confirmed, and the makeup of the
Supreme Court
was now significantly altered. When Bush had taken office in
2001, the Supreme
Court had been predominantly liberal despite the
presences of
Chief Justice William Rehnquist and justices
Antonin Scalia
and Clarence
Thomas. With the confirmation and appointment of
Samuel Alito,
however, the high court was now evenly divided along ideological
lines, with four conservatives (Scalia, Thomas, Alito, and Chief
Justice Roberts), four liberals (Stevens, Souter, Breyer, and
Ginsburg), and one moderate,
Justice Anthony
Kennedy. This is a legacy sure to outlast either the war
in Iraq, the current economic downturn, or Bush's personal
unpopularity.
So why bring this up now?
I bring it up simply because of a May 15 ruling in the
California Supreme Court legalizing same-sex marriage in that
state, in which the court effectively gave the people and their
governor the extended middle finger and ruled that both
California's marriage law of 1978, defining marriage as the
union of one man and one woman, and the recently enacted
Proposition 22, which strengthened that law with the words,
"Only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized
in California,"
are unconstitutional. This proposition passed the legislature
with 61 percent of the vote. What the California Supreme Court
said, in effect, was exactly what that of
Massachusetts
had said four years earlier: Legislatures, governors, and will
of the people be damned, and democracy be damned as well.
Oligarchy is what rules in
California.
It's the sort of attitude we generally expect from liberal
Democrats, but this court, curiously enough, is dominated by
Republicans. Fear not your enemy, for he can never betray you.
It takes a friend to do that.
Governor Arnold
Schwarzenegger, who has twice vetoed measures that would
have legalized same-sex marriages, says he respects the court's
decision and "will not support an amendment to the constitution
that would overturn this state Supreme Court ruling." But other
Californians have such an amendment in mind, and a November
ballot measure would allow Californians to vote on an amendment
banning same-sex marriage. The issue may ultimately be appealed
to the U. S.
Supreme Court, and this is where the high court's
ideological makeup could come into significant play. Under the
Rehnquist court, there would have been little doubt of the
outcome of such an appeal. But the Roberts court is
significantly different, and, should this case find its way to
the Supreme Court,
the opinion of
Justice Anthony Kennedy will be of crucial importance.
It could conceivably result not only in the overturn of the
California
ruling, but in that of the Massachusetts Supreme Court as well.
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